Emotion Recollected in Tranquility, or
Why Brains Need Poems

 

William Benzon

708 Jersey Avenue, 2A

Jersey City, NJ 07302

bbenzon@mindspring.com

 

Abstract: The nervous system depends on a rich brew of neurochemicals, many of which mediate activity for specific behaviors. Related to this is the fact that memory is mood specific: it is easier to remember events that are congruent with our current mood than events that differ from it. This suggests that, for biochemical reasons, it is difficult to have a comprehensive and accurate view of one's own life and behavior. How does one create an affectively neutral ground from which one can observe and order the full range of events in one's life? I suggest that literature provides the needed neutrality. Poems, plays, and stories allow us to experience a wide range of desires and feelings in an arena where our personal lives are secure and protected. Through repeated immersion in this arena the brain creates cognitive structures about life events that are affect-neutral and that can be used in helping us obtain cognitive mastery of our own lives and self. These ideas will be illustrated by a discussion of Shakespeare's Sonnet 129, "The Expense of Spirit."

 

 

I have not prepared a formal paper , but the following passages will suggest the nature of what I have to say. The first two – on Trickster and on neurochemicals and experience – are from an essay-in-progress, "Unacknowledged Legislators: Propositions for a Naturalist Theory of Literature." The discussion "The Neurochemistry of Experience" is the crucial theoretical move.  The Trickster episodes are exemplary, as is Shakespeare's Sonnet 129, which I discuss in the the third passage, which is from: Benzon, W. L. (1993). "The Evolution of Narrative and the Self." Journal of Social and Evolutionary Systems 16: 129-155.

When reading the Trickster example keep in mind that, traditionally, these tales are told in public under ritual circumstances, and by a person who has the right to tell the tales. That is quite different from silent reading in the privacy of one's home.

Expressing the Unspeakable: Trickster

The time has come to consider a specific example, two episodes from the Winnebago Trickster cycle (Radin 1956), which is a loosely organized series of tales. Just which episodes are told varies from occasion to occasion. Many of the individual episodes have wide currency among Native Americans and the Trickster figure is regarded as one of the most widespread in the world's mythologies. As the cycle opens Trickster is a chief and he sets out to violate a number of taboos and customs, thereby denuding himself of culture. By about the fourth or fifth episode Trickster has devolved into an amoral semi-human demiurge who must learn about the most elementary functions of his body.  As we join Trickster at episode 38 (p. 38) we see him wandering about the world with his very long penis rolled up in a bundle which, along with his testicles and scrotum, he has placed in a box that he carries on his back.

At the beginning of the episode a chipmunk begins taunting Trickster about his penis, prompting Trickster to take of his pack and rearrange his penis and testicles within it, placing the testicles below and the head atop. The chipmunk continues taunting Trickster, who attempts to catch him but without success. The chipmunk scampers into a hollow log, at which point Trickster instructs his penis: "Now then my younger brother, you may go after him for he has been annoying you for some time." Trickster begins probing the tree with his penis but is unable to reach the end of the hole. When he at last withdraws his penis in frustration he discovers that only one small piece is left.

So Trickster smashes the log to pieces (episode 39), flattens the chipmunk, and discovers the remains of his penis. "Oh, my, of what a wonderful organ he has deprived me! But why do I speak thus? I will make objects out of the pieces for human beings to use" (p. 39). And so Trickster creates a variety of useful plants, such as potatoes, artichokes, turnips, beans, rice, and other plants. The episode concludes: "And this is the reason our penis has its present shape. . . . and the chipmunk was created for the precise purpose of performing this particular act" (pp. 39-40).

Taken together these two episodes (38 and 39) constitute a just-so story; they tell us how the male genitals came to have their present form and how a variety useful plants came into the world. The particular way those plants were created – from the fragments of Trickster's penis – is surely central to the meaning of this tale. But that is not what most interests me.

Recall that, in its native context, this story is told in a group under ritually governed circumstances. People are not alone when they hear this tale. They are among friends. Their reactions are public. Many of the Trickster episodes are quite funny – these two are, though the humor doesn't survive very well in my truncated summary. People laugh at funny things, so I imagine that, when told by a skillful raconteur, these episodes elicit gales of laughter from the audience.

What are people affirming when they enjoy listening to this story in one another's company, when they laugh together? Yes, they are affirming some deep connection between the penis and useful plants. But that connection is not itself funny. What is funny is the interaction between Trickster and the chipmunk, the chipmunk's taunts and Trickster's exasperated and escalating responses to them.

The story betrays or displays, is a vehicle for, sexual anxiety. On the face of it this is not merely sexual anxiety, but castration anxiety. After all, Trickster's penis is bitten to pieces. But I want to hedge that. Sexual anxiety of some form is ubiquitous; these incidents will elicit whatever form of sexual anxiety is most relevant to individual members of the audience at the moment of telling. When they laugh together they are sharing sexual anxiety of some form; the exact from, so I argue, is irrelevant.

This anxiety, however, is somewhat disguised.  In the first place, this is not a story about any one in the audience; it is not personal and specific. In the second place, it is not even a story about a human being, for Trickster is not a human being.  He is a semi-divine proto-human demiurge (often regarded as an animal, e.g. a coyote or hare). So, as people listen to the story and share their laughter, they don't have to acknowledge sharing anything about human beings "like us." No, they are laughing at Trickster.

In the third place, Trickster is not having sexual intercourse with a woman or any human being or even an animal. Not at all. He is just poking his penis around in an empty log, searching for that pesky chipmunk. This is not sex; it is a form of battle. And when the fragments of Trickster's penis become life-giving plants, that is not sex either.  Sexual intercourse results in the birth of babies. There are no babies in this story. To be sure, fragments of Trickster's penis become useful plants; but useful plants are not babies. No, this is not a story of human sexuality and birth that we are dealing with; it is something else.

Yet while the sexuality in the story is at some remove from ordinary human sexuality, and it is clearly and obviously sexuality. The people listening to the story have no choice but to apprehend Trickster's plight through their own experiences with sexuality – after all, those are the only first-hand experiences they have. They can displace or project their own anxiety onto Trickster and share a good laugh in the company of their friends, family, and neighbors. Everyone else is doing the same, but no one has to admit to it, nor even acknowledge it to themselves. It just happens. It is a potentiality build-in to the situation.

Whatever it is, it seems to me that it is something that is difficult to communicate in ordinary conversation, even with intimates. Sexuality is prominent in the story and I am going to assume that talking about sex is difficult for the Winnebago as it is for us. Such talk is surrounded by taboo. In most contexts it is simply improper to talk about sex. But what is transpiring in the performance of this tale is beyond and different from ordinary talk. Merely asserting that "sex makes me anxious" is quite different from sharing that anxiety through the vehicle of an obscene story, and that is what is happening here. The setting in which the Trickster tales are ordinarily told is not an ordinary social context. It is governed by ritual norms. The tales are sacred and so is the occasion of their telling. Things that are ordinarily forbidden are allowable in this context.

This is all at one and the same time obvious and disguised. In the ritual safety of the occasion people can share their anxiety about sexuality and their awe at its fruitfulness. And they can do it without embarrassment. They can affirm their common humanity and, I suspect, when the story telling is over, everyone is in a better mood than they were when the session started. In his discussion of "The Evolution of Expressive Culture" David Hays talks of the ballet, asserting that "the difference in the crowd between entrances and exit is almost tangible. Watching the ballet has changed their mood in a favorable way" (Hays 1992, 189). That is what art does. The mechanisms are obscure to our best current understanding, but the sense of acceptance among our fellows is at the core of those mechanisms.

The Neurochemistry of Experience

While the nervous system has been an important prop in the previous arguments, I now want to bring it to the foreground. by considering the concept of mode. The concept of mode I am using is one David Hays and I (Benzon and Hays 1988: 296-298, Hays 1992: 190-193) based on work by Warren McCulloch and his colleagues (Kilmer, McCulloch & Blum 1969).

The idea is simple. There is a particular pattern of neurofunctional activation which is appropriate for various activities.  McCulloch was interested in things such as eating, exploring, defecating, mating, fighting, sleeping, etc. Much of the brain's modal activity is regulated by biochemicals that are produced in core brain nuclei (in the reticular formation) then distributed throughout the brain via efferent neuronal projections. These chemicals bias synaptic transmission and so can affect the arousal of the entire brain. Some of these chemicals are specific to various behavioral modes (see e.g. Freeman 19XX, Panksepp 1998, Shepherd 19XX). If one thinks of the brain as analogous to computer "hardware," then a mode is a "virtual machine" specialized for one type of activity.

The brain's modal system is regulated by the most primitive part of the brain, the reticular core is fine for the modes of the bedroom, bathroom, kitchen, and so forth, that is, the behaviors that have long phylogenetic histories. Though McCulloch did not emphasize this in his 1969 publication – a great deal of data were not available to him at that time – we know that overall brain state is biochemically regulated. This implies that memory is state-dependent, to use the technical jargon, and that is a matter of considerable importance for literary theory. I first learned about state dependence in a review of the literature on altered states of consciousness in which Roland Fischer (1975, 199) reported an experiment originally performed by D. Goodwin. Subjects were first made drunk and then asked to memorize nonsense syllables. When their recall was tested while sober they performed poorly. Their recall dramatically improved, however, if they once again became drunk. Recall of some experience is best when the one's brain is in the same biochemical state it was in when one had that experience. That is what is meant by state dependence. Given that motivation and emotion are mediated by over a hundred neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (cf. Panksepp 1998), the state dependent nature of memory has profound implications for our ability to recall our experience.  As I have previously argued   (Benzon  1993, 131):

 

If records of personal experience are [biochemically biased], especially in the case of strongly emotionally charged experience, then how can we get a coherent view of ourselves and of our world?  The world of a person who is ravenously hungry is different from the world of that same person when he or she is consumed with sexual desire.  Yet it is the same person in both cases.  And the apple, which was so insignificant when sexually hungry—to the point where that apple wasn't part of the world at all—becomes a central object in the world once sexual desire has been satisfied and hunger asserts itself.  Regardless of the person's [biochemical state], it is still the same apple.

 

If this is how the nervous system works, then how do we achieve a state of mind in which one can easily remember the apple as the sexual object? That is to say, how does the brain achieve a biochemically "neutral" state of mind from which one can recall or imagine any kind of experience?

Let me suggest that story-telling may be a way of accomplishing this. Let us consider the Winnebago Trickster tales, a long cycle of tales that are central to the Winnebago mythos and which are similar to tales in cultures the world over (Radin 1956). Taken in full, the Trickster cycle encompasses a wide range of human desire and feeling. In particular, the activities and feelings of the bedroom and bathroom are well represented as are aggression and anger; many of the stories depict Trickster doing things that people generally do in privacy and/or that may elicit disapproval from others. If we assume that the various episodes evoke some arousal of the neural circuits corresponding to Trickster's actions in the episode (e.g. one's sexual circuitry is aroused when Trickster engages in sexual acts) the corresponding biochemicals will be released in the brain. These circuits will not, however, be aroused to full activity. One is only imagining Trickster engaging in this or that activity, one is not engaging in the activity oneself.  More directly to the point, as David Hays has pointed out (XXXX, XXX) this is happening in the full presence of one's fellows and with their approval. Our sense of the of ease among friends, hearing their grunts and murmurs of approval mixed with ours, the common laughter, but also the communal sighs of dismay, these all mingle together and establish the story itself as a good and necessary pleasure. That, I suggest, helps us to create neural circuits that give us the ability to recall a wide range of experience without our having to be in a neurochemical state approximating that which mediated that experience. Stories – as well as poems and plays – allow us to experience a wide range of desires and feelings in an arena where our personal lives are secure and protected, where our experience is socially approved. Without the constant experience of emotionally charged stories, our memories would be captive to the current mood.

Thus we do not have to be sexually aroused to recall occasions of sexual arousal, nor to be have to be angry or grieving to recall occasions of great anger or the darkest grief, respectively. The stories we have learned in the company of others have created a "level playing field" in the mind, neutral ground from which we can survey the full range of human experience. I am thus arguing that in memory, in mind – if not in action – life follows art, rather than the reverse. If we can, perhaps in private, step back from the living of life to recall and examine our feelings and actions, that is because our experiences with stories have created a rich weave of mental prototypes through which we can recall and interrogate even the most densely emotional of our experiences. Conversely, if we cannot do this, then how can we construct a coherent view of ourselves? If the sexually aroused self has trouble recalling any life episodes other than those involving sexual arousal, and the vengeful self can recall only incidents of vengeance, and the thirsty self has little sense of any geography beyond that leading to water, then how can we see ourselves and our fellows whole? Such a life would seem to be one of almost constant dissociation (cf. Benzon 2001).

This view is different in emphasis from the notion that stories are useful because they allow us to gather and share information (e.g. Sugiyama 2001). My argument is not about the usefulness of the information enfolded in stories, but about how the social situation of story telling facilitates our ability to recall incidents of a kind captured in stories. The usefulness of that information is of little or no account if we cannot access that information except from within very specific states of mind. My view is more like the notion of cognitive mapping that Joseph Carroll (2003, XXXX) has been advocating. Story-telling creates a mental arena in which we can review and become self-consciously aware of the full range of our feelings and behaviors, where we can see them in relation to one another.  It is into this arena that the Winnebago enter when then gather to listen to tales of Trickster; it is in this arena that they can apprehend the relationship between the penis and useful plants, among many other things.

            In view of the previous discussion, I offer another proposition:

 

1.     Internalization and State Neutrality: Literary mode provides a biochemically "neutral" arena in which a full range of feelings and desires may be brought into explicit self-conscious awareness.

 

Note that this assertion has an ontogenetic corollary, for adults tell stories to children as well as to other adults. We humans grow up in a world where there is this special psychological space of story-telling. We enter this space only when all is well with the world; we are thus safe and secure in this space. But the stories we hear in this space, they take us to places of great danger before, of course, resolving the danger. If my hypothesis about biochemical neutrality is correct, then the stories we hear in this space provide important psychological foundations for personal awareness and growth. It is around the categories contained in these stories that we come to organize the story of our personal life. And when Kris and Holland talk about regression in service of the ego, they are, in effect, talking about regression within the boundaries of this safe region of the psyche, the one created as one's parents and older siblings tell stories.

 

Sonnet 129: Three Phases

 

To see how these two facets—ape vs. angel, biochemical specificity—of mode interact, consider Shakespeare's sonnet 129 (for details Benzon 1976, 1978, pp. 259-326, 1981) – see text below.  In the first twelve lines our attention is directed back and forth over the follow sequence:

 

DESIRE:  Protagonist becomes consumed with sexual desire and purses the object of that desire using whatever deceit and violence is necessary:  "perjur'd, murderous, bloody . . . not to trust" (ll. 3-4).

CONSUMMATION:   Protagonist gets his way, having "a bliss in proof" (l. 11)

SHAME:  Desire satisfied, the protagonist is consumed with guilt:  "despisèd straight" (l. 5), "no sooner had/ Past reason hated" (ll. 6-7).

 

The poem concludes with a curious couplet, asserting that "All this the world well knows yet none knows well,/ To shun the heaven that leads men to this hell"  (ll. 13-14).  Knowing that rancid meat can make you ill will prevent most people from eating rancid meat, but, says this final couplet, the knowledge that sexual desire will lead you to guilt and disgust is not powerful enough to prevent you from walking to the trap.

          This cycle is easily explained using the concept of mode.  Moral strictures governing honest and honorable behavior are encoded in neural structures most strongly active in a certain, no doubt cortical, mode.  However, as sexual desire grows, the biochemical state of the brain changes and mode shifts; moral strictures are no longer readily called to mind; anything goes.  Once desire is satisfied the brain can return to a mode in which morality is regnant.  When morality sees what has just been done, morality is outraged.  We can further speculate, as outrage grows, another biochemical change occurs, inducing a modal shift, and we are no longer in a cortical mode conducive to reason and morality.  In giving way to outrage, morality has undermined itself.  In such a mind, reason hasn't a chance.  Such is the conflict between ape and angel, between the subcortical structures of the limbic system and the cortex.

          In this context the apparently gloomy admission of the concluding couplet, which holds the preceding twelve lines in view and asserts that you can't escape, has a paradoxical restorative effect [2]. Intuitively, I'm absolutely sure that it works this way.  Explaining how it works is another matter.  Hays (1992, p. 196) suggests a deep connection between sociality and expressive culture.  Taking that as our cue, we can see that the final couplet restores a sense of sociality.  The horror and shame of the first twelve lines resides, not only in the violence, but in the destruction of social mutuality; the lusty animal is "not to trust" (l. 4) and "Mad in pursuit and possession so" (l. 9).  The final couplet begins with the admission that "All this the world well knows" (l. 13) and, in so affirming, restores the lusty and despised animal to society.  We are all like this; we know it; we can't escape.  Thus the shame, guilt, and anxiety which is evoked in the first twelve lines is assuaged and order is restored (for an earlier, and more recondite, version of this argument see Benzon 1976, pp. 975-976, 980).  To use Hays's terms, the relationship between the final couplet and the first twelve lines satisfies the cortical desire for beauty and that satisfaction triggers an epiphany which "fixes" the entire experience in one's nervous system and brings about a bit of psychological reorganization.  Over the long term the cumulative effect of such epiphanic reorganizations is to bring greater internal coherence to the nervous system, making subcortical ape and cortical angel more comfortable, one with the other.

          Let's conclude this section by taking a closer look at mode.  In Hays's terms, the process of creating and understanding such a sophisticated poem would be regulated by the right rear quadrant of the neocortex.  The mode is adventure and the goal is beauty.  What is being made beautiful is the relationship between the sound of sonnet 129, which we've not discussed, and it's sense, which we have.  The sound involves matters of rhythm, rhyme, and meter and may also directly encode the emotion-bearing essentic forms discussed by Manfred Clynes (1977, see also Fonagy, 1971, 1976; for a more detailed discussion see Benzon, 1978).  The sense, as we've seen, involves a stroll through the primitive modes of sexual courtship, sexual action, and disgust.  Unlike the person in the process of living these experiences, the poet and readers are not deeply into any of these primitive modes.  These modes are only weakly invoked, or perhaps only cortical residuals of these modes are evoked, while in the right rear adventure mode.  The person actually living those lusty experiences cannot see the vicious causal connection between them, their consciousness consumed, in turn, by those primitive modes.  I speculate that the poet, and reader, can endure the anxiety aroused by the partial arousal of the conflicted primitive modes at the heart of the sonnet's sense because of the pleasure in beauty achieved, the satisfaction of the cortical adventure mode, is offset against.  We endure the anxiety because we know that beauty is coming. Through that beauty poet and reader can see and contemplate the vicious causal connection among the modes of the lust cycle.  Thus the poem provides a vehicle in which those modes can cohere in consciousness. 

          This is a very complex expressive achievement, with centuries of cultural evolution behind it.  The initial achievements of expressive culture are less sophisticated.  But they are the foundations on which Shakespeare's achievement rests, and that achievement is, in turn, foundation for still more sophisticated vessels of expressive consciousness.

 

* * * * *

 

I have color-coded the text to indicate the three phases from the discussion above. Note that some lines are not color coded. They are, in some way, "outside" the phases of lust in action.

 

 

Desire

Consummation

Shame

 

The expense of spirit in a waste of shame

Is lust in action; and till action, lust

Is perjured, murderous, bloody, full of blame,

Savage, extreme, rude, cruel, not to trust,

Enjoy'd no sooner but despised straight,

Past reason hunted, and no sooner had

Past reason hated, as a swallow'd bait

On purpose laid to make the taker mad;

Mad in pursuit and in possession so;

Had, having, and in quest to have, extreme;

A bliss in proof, and proved, a very woe;

Before, a joy proposed; behind, a dream.

All this the world well knows; yet none knows well

To shun the heaven that leads men to this hell.